Flawed Grand Jury report on SFUSD: a critique
I agree with the report’s finding that the Diversity Index aspect of the assignment process is “unnecessarily complex and confusing … (and) alienating to … families,” and that it fails to deliver an ideally diversified school population. And I share the view that a good neighborhood school is the ideal situation for a family.
However, I disagree with the implicit conclusions that scrapping the Diversity Index would significantly change the situation. The frustrations families experience when there are more applicants than openings at popular schools are not caused by the Diversity Index and will still exist under any process.
I also strongly disagree with the implication that returning to neighborhood assignment would miraculously improve the assignment process and the schools. SFUSD is a far more successful school district in many ways — including achievement and school diversity — than many other diverse urban school districts with neighborhood-based assignment processes. That fact alone belies the magical-thinking notion that neighborhood schools are a panacea. In a homogenous, high-income school district, neighborhood school assignment is a smooth and simple process, and perhaps that's what the Grand Jurors envision. But a diverse urban school district with many high-need students can't be compared to a district like Mill Valley or Moraga.
In one baffling comment, the report states: “For 20% of the parents to have made Attendance Area Schools their first choice seems to the Jury to be a strong endorsement for the idea of neighborhood schools.” The 20% figure refers to the number of kindergarten applicants who list their local school as their first choice (actually 18%, according to SFUSD). Yet that figure is astoundingly low, meaning that a huge majority — 82% — of parents do not rank their neighborhood school as their first choice. It’s incomprehensible that the Grand Jurors interpreted that figure as an endorsement of neighborhood assignment over a choice system.
The many areas in which the Grand Jury report reveals lack of comprehension of and problematic research into aspects of SFUSD operations motivated me to produce a detailed critique. Here are my observations. In most cases, my responses to portions of the report are given in the order in which those portions appear in the report.
• The implication that parents are unhappier with the current assignment process than with the previous process — or others in the more distant past — is unsupported and inaccurate. The report fails to give a history of SFUSD’s integration programs over the years, and never indicates that the Grand Jury is aware that there has been a long history. The history of such programs is longer and far more contentious and complex than the report indicates.
Under the previous process, pre-Diversity Index, the mandated limits on the percentage of any one ethnicity at a school were especially infuriating to applicants. Also, in one extremely unpopular permutation of a previous process, circa early ’90s, the attendance-area school had to specifically “release” a student (which it would not do if that student’s ethnicity contributed diversity to the school) before the student had the right to apply to another school. The report fails to take note of these past issues or of the fact that previous processes were controversial, infuriating and unpopular — almost certainly more so than the current all-choice process.
• The report’s description of the Ho decision (the court case that led to the elimination of ethnic “caps” at schools) entirely fails to mention the issue at the heart of the complaint. The case targeted the mandated ethnic caps under the previous process, specifically in relation to Lowell High School. The caps meant that a Chinese applicant for Lowell had to score higher than a non-Chinese applicant to be accepted, an apparent civil rights violation. None of this is even alluded to in the report’s description of the case.
• Critics of SFUSD over the years have repeatedly urged the district to focus more on marketing its less popular schools. Yet the Grand Jury report appears to criticize the district for following this advice and trying to market its schools. It cites a principal who says “the District sent out a memo” urging her to recruit parents to her school’s table at the school fair — the report gives no clear reason for mentioning that, but does so with an air of disapproval. The report also conveys a tone of disapproval in a comment that “principals and staff must take time away from educational duties to promote their schools” to touring parents. I would like to ask the authors of the report if they think marketing schools is a bad thing, if they truly don’t grasp that those items they mention pertain to marketing schools, or if they just included those comments in the report for no particular reason. (Also, however, it’s parent volunteers who do most of the work leading tours at many schools.)
• The report is forcefully critical throughout of the Diversity Index process. Yet it also notes that the DI process kicks in only in limited situations: “The impact of the DI processing (sic) is felt only when there are more applicants than available spaces for a particular kindergarten class. When there is competition for a space the DI process resolves the impasse through the application of the ‘diversity’ characteristics.” True enough. But without the DI process, a pure lottery would resolve the impasse instead. Just as many applicants would be rejected. Would that situation make parents any happier? The report leaves that question unaddressed and reflects no awareness of it.
• The report describes the results of the kindergarten lottery for fall 2008 and the number of unhappy families who didn’t get a choice. Again, the report seems to implicitly ascribe that to the Diversity Index process. Actually, it’s simply because some popular schools have more applications than openings. The report does indicate awareness of that fact, but fails to note how a different process would reduce demand for popular schools.
• A small point, but the report states: “This spring so many families applied to the same high testing schools that it created an application bottleneck.” This, of course, has happened since time immemorial and is not unique to this spring nor a new situation under the Diversity Index. In addition (though a minor point), the most popular schools are not always those with the highest test scores.
• This quote reveals a lack of comprehension:
“Competition for the relatively small number of schools on the west side of the City compared to the population of children has resulted in the percentage of applicants who did not get a choice being greater than 25%.”
The intended point of that confusing sentence is unclear. But it appears to be claiming that students on the west side have less of a chance of getting into their nearby schools. The quote implies that there are too few schools on the west side. But it misses the point that west side schools are high achieving and are highly popular with families from all over the city. It’s not clear what remedy the Grand Jurors would recommend, besides cutting off others’ access to those schools.
• This quote reveals a lack of comprehension:
“District officials at the highest level claim that the District wants to retain these committed middle-class parents. The District’s commitment to this goal ils understandably questioned in the presence of a first priority diversity process that seems to give admission preference to poverty level children.”
Do the Grand Jurors not understand that the administration of any diverse, high-poverty school district must be committed to putting significant effort into creating opportunity and improving choices for the highest-need children? In a diverse district, it’s always a balancing act to please the middle-class parents while working to devote extra resources to the most disadvantaged children. This quote indicates unawareness of that issue, instead apparently criticizing the district for doing too much for high-need children. One has to wonder whether the Grand Jurors truly feel that district administration should cater more to middle-class families and do less for the disadvantaged.
• The report appears to implicitly call for less diversity, even while it criticizes SFUSD for not achieving more diversity. The report states: “If every kindergarten classroom in the City accurately reflected school enrollment by ethnicity, only two of 20 children would be African American, two White, five Chinese, and five Hispanic. Some parents expressed a desire to have their child go to school with more than just one other child of their own ethnicity.”
That comment seems to both oppose diversity and imply criticism of the school district for its overall ethnic makeup — something presumably beyond the control of the district. (It also doesn’t get the numbers quite right. Based on the overall makeup of the district, that kindergarten classroom would have eight Asian (presumably mostly Chinese) students, four Latino, two African-American and two white. Based on the most recent kindergarten makeup of the district (2007-08), the class would have six Asians, five Latinos, three whites and two African-Americans. Figures are from the California Department of Education.)
• In a further statement implicitly opposing diversity, the report quoted “an African-American civic leader” as saying: “Rather than have their child in school across town and be one of only two African-American children in the class, many parents in largely African American Bayview and Hunters Point prefer that their grade school child enroll in their neighborhood school.” But this fails to address two points. First, most if not all schools in Bayview/Hunters Point are undersubscribed, so the family that requests those schools will be assigned there with no problem. Second, it overlooks the question of whether the largely disadvantaged, low-income, high-need children in Bayview/Hunters Point should have the option of choosing higher-performing schools throughout the city if their parents so desire, and should perhaps have easier access to the schools of their choice than more-advantaged children would. One has to wonder how that “African-American civic leader” would have responded to that follow-up question. The Grand Jury report indicates no awareness that that question exists to be asked.
On a later page, the report quotes the same or another “African American civic leader” as saying: “If our kids are failing in school, I’d rather have them fail in the neighborhood than in a school across town.” But the quote does not address, nor does the report, whether an African-American child from Bayview/Hunters Point is likely to achieve higher performance at a higher-performing school. It also, again, does not address the question of whether that child should have enhanced access to schools around the city if the parents so choose.
• The report comments in a critical tone: “…the SFUSD does not actually know who will be showing up when school starts. On the first day of school, the District now needs to count heads at each school.” The implication is that this is some kind of failure of SFUSD. It’s also inaccurate that the head count is the first day of school. Actually, the 10-day count — a physical head count — is mandated standard procedure at schools in California and apparently, based on a quick Google check, nationwide.
• The report describes some SFUSD marketing efforts and comments on Parents for Public Schools’ work doing outreach to parents. But it fails to note that it’s clear those efforts have paid off and that far more parents consider SFUSD schools than was the case in the ’90s.
• The report describes some (relatively) segregated schools and portrays them as “evidence that School Choice and the Diversity Index are not succeeding at achieving diversity.” Yet the report itself notes that those schools’ ethnic makeup reflects the makeup of their surrounding neighborhoods. So the schools that the report criticizes as segregated appear to be those schools that are functioning as neighborhood schools — while the report yet calls for a return to neighborhood schools partly on the basis that the choice system is not achieving diversity. The reasoning is head-spinning.
• This portion indicates a failure to comprehend:
The report describes efforts of pre-K parents near one low-performing, low-demand school, Daniel Webster on Potrero Hill, to get involved early in the school and try to achieve “school improvements by the time their children enroll.” But the report goes on to paint the school’s potential improvement in a negative light: “If, however, the parents are successful, the school’s reputation improves, and word begins to spread, it will be only a few years before the school is fully subscribed and a wait list forms. Then, ironically, the Diversity Index will kick in and Potrero Hill families with younger children will lose any assurance that they can get into nearby Webster.” The report misses the point that this would happen without the Diversity Index too.
With a pure lottery system, if the school becomes oversubscribed, not all families will “win” the lottery. Yet with a neighborhood preference or mandatory neighborhood assignment system, Potrero Hill families with school-age kids would currently be getting preference or mandatory assignment to a low-performing, less-popular school, which is probably not a situation they view as ideal; and with strict neighborhood assignment, if the school’s popularity skyrockets, the boundaries around it will simply become closer in, shutting out families farther out in the neighborhood.
• The report includes a baffling section on alternative schools — though admittedly the existence of alternative schools is baffling in itself. Still, the language indicates failure to understand the facts and draw accurate conclusions.
“Many (alternative schools) have specialized programs such as bilingual education.” True, but so do many non-alternative schools. Bilingual programs are not a function of alternative schools. Also, the report fails to mention language immersion programs or indicate any awareness of a difference between those and bilingual programs. Bilingual programs exist to serve students who are English-language learners, while immersion programs serve native English speakers who are learning another language, as well as native speakers of that target language as a chosen process for learning English. Most immersion programs are wildly popular with middle-class families who are native English speakers.
The report quotes a district staffer in the section on alternative schools: “Some are so small that educational and cost efficiencies cannot be maintained.” Yes, this can be true of very small schools, but there’s no reason it’s any more true of alternative than of non-alternative schools..
A confusing paragraph on bilingual education in the section on alternative schools indicates further confusion and uncomprehension. “There is also an apparent lack of parental support for bilingual classes,” the report states, without elaboration. Actually, as noted, language immersion programs are in very high demand. Bilingual classes are the default for English language learners unless their parents choose immersion programs. Schools with bilingual programs may tend not to be in high demand because schools with a lot of English language learners are likely to be lower-performing; but the existence of the bilingual program is not the likely cause of the school’s lower popularity.
• The report includes the sentence: “One of the goals of Alternative Schools should be to attract students by placing ‘high demand programs in low demand schools’,” (quoted from a district report) without elaborating or giving any ideas as to what “high demand programs” the Grand Jury would recommend. In reality, language immersion is the quintessential example of a high demand program, and the district has been rapidly opening language immersion programs in low-demand schools, exactly as recommended. It’s strange that the Grand Jury report appears unaware that there is such thing as a language immersion program, and does not differentiate such a program from the bilingual programs which it claims lack parental support. The entire section indicates uncomprehension and overall makes no sense. The report notes in at least two places, “The number of Alternative Schools has grown to 15…” without ever noting from what base and over what period of time. Actually, the number has changed little if at all since the ’90s.
• The section on busing further indicates lack of comprehension of the situation, of the purpose of offering busing to some students, and of other issues. “Bus routes,” the report states in a critical tone, “do not provide service equally between schools and different sections of the City. For example, there are seven routes bringing children west from Bayview, Hunters Point and Visitacion Valley where many schools are under attended to the Sunset and Richmond where many schools are oversubscribed. Only one route goes to schools in the other direction.”
The Grand Jurors missed so many points on this issue that it’s hard to know where to start. Most schools in the Sunset and Richmond are high-performing, desirable and popular. Many or most students in Bayview, Hunters Point and Visitacion Valley are low-income, at-risk and high-need. The process has been designed to give those disadvantaged students better access to higher-performing schools, including by providing transportation. There is no similar motivation or benefit to giving more-privileged students coming from the west side transportation to east side schools that they are not likely to request, as those schools tend to be lower-performing and challenged. Again, do the Grand Jurors oppose a policy that offers the most disadvantaged students enhanced access to the city’s higher-performing schools?
• The report’s Finding No. 8 on the busing issue invites challenge. “Schools have not improved or become more diverse, even with the use of busing.” Actually, SFUSD schools have been steadily improving, as their test scores show. And the least diverse schools, as the report itself points out, are those serving as neighborhood schools, not those with students bused in.
• In another statement indicating lack of comprehension, the report states: “Busing further erodes parental … involvement in schools.” This would surely be true if the busing were mandatory, but in SFUSD it is by request. Parents who have specifically requested a school are more likely to become involved in it, not less.
• The report criticizes politicians for giving priority to school diversity supposedly because it’s politically popular. Yet that does not jibe with reality or with the report’s own emphasis on the unpopularity of the school assignment process. Clearly, giving priority to school diversity is politically unpopular. And in one high-profile example of how the report has it backward, one former rising political star launched his career by leading mass protests of west side parents demanding access to their neighborhood high school, Lincoln, back in 2003. The political career of that official, Ed Jew, was killed off by other issues, but he built his initial popularity on opposing school diversity efforts.
• The report points out that 30% of the district’s school-age children do not enroll in SFUSD schools, implying that this is due to the current enrollment process. Yet an SFUSD demographic presentation I attended some years ago emphasized that the 30-33% figure has held steady since 1982 (the demographer had not researched previous years). Undoubtedly the various desegregation programs over the years have contributed to that situation, but the implication that this is a new situation, due to the current Diversity Index process, is inaccurate and misleading.
• In passing, the report criticizes the district for being overly unwilling to close schools. “The Board seems unwilling to face and to withstand the protests that come when a school closure is calendared.” Yet the notion that the Board of Education should coldly ignore parents’ anguished concerns over school closures seems directly in conflict with the overall thread of the report, which is that the district should base its assignment process on popularity with parents. The section suggests that in choosing to close schools, the district should rely entirely on “fixed criteria” and an “agreed-upon checklist.” Actually, there are such criteria, to which some flexibility and human judgment have been applied in the past. While I agree that the district probably needs to close schools if enrollment continues to drop — and certainly needs to stop opening new ones, including allowing charters to open — the notion that it’s easy to do if the BOE just mans up and tells parents to shut up is out of touch with reality and out of keeping with the report's overall tone.
• In the very next section, the report praises the hiring of Dr. Anthony Smith as a development that gives the Grand Jurors “hope.” While Dr. Smith clearly brings many attributes to SFUSD, he has just proposed opening at least one new school — so his position on that issue is in direct conflict with the Grand Jurors’ notion that closing schools is a fine solution.
• The report also states that the Grand Jurors derive “hope” from the fact that 47% of SFUSD’s elementary school principals will soon be eligible to retire. “With these dramatic changes in leadership the Jury believes that there is the opportunity … to correct the deficiencies” of the district. It’s dismaying that the Grand Jury is so openly contemptuous of SFUSD’s principals as to want as many of them as possible to leave. Parents, teachers and other actual district stakeholders are unlikely to agree. What replacements does the Grand Jury have in mind whom it believes will provide superior performance?
• The report makes a recommendation: “The District should immediately begin preparing a school assignment program strengthening the role of neighborhood schools…” The report stops short of calling for mandatory neighborhood assignment and eliminating the choice system, and does not address the question of whether low-income, at-risk students should be given enhanced access to their choice of schools. The report fails to address the issue that led to this entire complex system: the fact that schools serving many high-need children face huge extra challenges, and that one remedy is to offer high-need children access to the less-challenged, higher-achieving schools that exist in higher-income neighborhoods.
• The report makes a recommendation: “…draw attendance zones with a priority on creating student diversity and proximity to home in each zone.” Yet the report acknowledges that the most segregated schools are those that already serve their local neighborhoods, due to segregated housing patterns (a situation beyond educators’ scope and control). The report fails to reconcile its own inherent finding that recommending both neighborhood schools and a priority of student diversity are contradictory.
• The report makes a recommendation: “The District should form immediately a Task Force to … provide recommendations to reduce the Alternative Schools by one half. … Special emphasis should be placed on assessing if there is need for as many bilingual programs, a number of which are poorly attended.” The poor writing obfuscates this a bit, but apparently the report is calling for closing half the district’s alternative schools. The basis for this recommendation is incomprehensible, largely because the report makes clear that the researchers apparently wound up with a number of misunderstandings about alternative schools and bilingual programs and in general are hopelessly confused about these two areas.
• The report makes a recommendation: “Reduce busing … Parents … choosing not to send their children to the neighborhood school would be responsible for arranging their child’s transportation (Special Education Students) excepted (sic).” The report fails to address the question of whether low-income students who live in disadvantaged neighborhoods with low-performing, challenged schools should receive enhanced access — including perhaps district-provided transportation — to schools of their choice. The implication is that the Grand Jurors failed to grasp that this issue existed at all.
• The report makes a recommendation: “…create good schools system wide.” Apparently new to the area of education, the Grand Jurors seem to be unaware that no diverse school system in the nation or the world has ever succeeded in “making all the schools good.” Schools that serve a critical mass of high-need, low-income students universally face challenges that — to date — have made it impossible to magically “make them good.” The notion that new leadership can achieve this can only be described as astoundingly naïve and ignorant.
Undoubtedly, the Grand Jurors’ attempt to address this issue was sincere and well-meaning. But their report is so poorly produced and reveals so many areas of misunderstanding and incomprehension that it seems likely to do more harm than good. This volunteer critique is an effort to respond to the report’s many problematic portions.
Labels: SFUSD Politics


